By Takura Zhangazha*
Zimbabwe’s future is rarely discussed in holistic terms in everyday conversations. This is because the future is always in the immediate.
This may appear contradictory or even complex but it is reflected in the everyday struggles of Zimbabweans to make the proverbial dollar out of fifteen (15) cents. It is almost as though our national mindset is now auto-tuned to what I will call ‘short-termism’. That is, an approach to our political and economic existence that emphasizes the immediate as opposed to the future.
In this, an immediate follow-up question would be, what has caused this ‘short-termism’?
The answers are varied and in most cases highly politicized. They range from blaming the ruling Zanu Pf party’s fast track land reform programme (FTLRP) for ruining the national economy and good governance. Through to sanctions, corruption, hyperinflation and of late the decision by the government to abandon the use of multiple currencies in favour of the return of the Zimbabwe dollar.
Whatever reason one chooses, it is also apparent that there is a lot of public anger/angst at the present political-economic situation. And where there’s anger, there is also a search for some sort of catharsis or a moment of immediate relief. Hence in some cases anger is shown via public demonstrations or strident, rhetorical and in some cases violent language on the streets of social media.
Full circle
What is, however, more complex is a systematic and ideological understanding of how Zimbabwe got here in the first place. Even after the departure of Mugabe and the introduction of what has come to be dubbed the ‘new dispensation’ of his successor Emmerson Mnangagwa.
The arguable reality of the matter is that the country has come full circle from radical nationalism (under Mugabe) to moderate neoliberalism (under the inclusive government) to full scale neoliberalism (under Mnangagwa).
It is the latter’s policies and ideological model that matters the most in any discussions about Zimbabwe’s short and long term future. Mnangagwa’s tight embrace of the free market and cosying up to global capital through his promotion of the ‘ease of doing business’ is the base that helps us outline what is in store for Zimbabwe’s political economy.
In relation to the political and most times politicized future, the economic ideological base that is neoliberalism will require Zimbabwe’s political institutions and practices to pass the test of ‘international standards.’
Basically our electoral processes and systems together with the functions of the three main arms of government- the executive, the judiciary and the legislature will be more regularly subject to measurement by regional, continental and global institutions and treaties.
Performative politics
This does not mean they will strictly adhere to these standards but Mnangagwa’s government will most certainly do some serious public relations on that front. Hence even after the ‘coup-not-a-coup’ the ruling Zanu Pf party went ahead with calling for elections with the primary objective of ‘international legitimacy’ which with the benefit of hindsight, they appear to have acquired.
This, however, means that the art and meaning of politics in Zimbabwe will be highly ‘performative’ and populist, especially in the run up to constitutionally anticipated elections. Politics will be undertaken in order to satisfy the basic expectations of a hegemonic neoliberal audience and global capital. Not necessarily the people.
The latter, it is hoped by Mnangagwa and his supporters, will benefit by way of an anticipated ‘trickle-down’ effect of a ‘free market’ political economy.
Where we examine what possibilities lie ahead with the national economy, it is much clearer to explain. The Zimbabwe government has declared itself as pro-private capital and the free market. Its economic policies increasingly also indicate so as outlined in its Transitional Stabilisation Programme (TSP).
This essentially means the future holds a host of realities that range from eventual privatization of state assets/entities, the expansion of the private sector into social service delivery also known as public-private partnerships and the reduction of the regulatory role of government in the economy/market.
So those that will bear the brunt of ‘austerity’ are ordinary working people of Zimbabwe. Costs of goods and services will definitely become unaffordable to many. The priority will remain private capital in servitude to what many an economic pundit and the World Bank or IMF will approve as global best practices of ‘emerging economies’.
Economic benevolence will, however, be shown during electoral periods in order to curry favour with voters.
Individualism
This brings us to the third consideration on the future of Zimbabwe, namely its social environment. Over the years, and as a direct result of attendant political-economic hardships endured by a majority of people, Zimbabwe has become a highly individualistic society. For students of global political economy this is arguably a result of neoliberal economic policies that deliberately focus on the individual and the market.
In Zimbabwe’s case, the breakdown of social services and abandonment of the welfare system under Robert Mugabe’s tutelage and now being followed through by his successor has meant that, socially, Zimbabweans focus on their individual and immediate needs for everyday social services.
This tendency toward individualism has also been strengthened by a global consumerist culture for goods and services that again, focus on the individual. Hence many young Zimbabweans are always seeking out ways and means to emigrate to countries that can make their individual lives ‘better’.
This is a trend that is least likely to dissipate in the near or distant future. For collective perceptions of reality, citizens will continue to turn to religion for a sense of self-worth and belonging. Especially those religions that emphasize individual wealth accumulation.
To conclude, I will revert to my opening line on how for many Zimbabweans, the future is in the immediate and not in the long term. And as I have argued in later paragraphs, this future is perceived in highly individualistic ways.
In order to get out of such a future, we will have to learn to always think about the bigger ideological future as a whole and seek pragmatic ways to try and ensure it is people- centered, welfarist and fully considers those that will come after us.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity. More of his writings can be found @ takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com
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